Black Females in High School: A Statistical Educational Profile
Other Titles:
Part of the special section entitled Race and Gender
Personal Author:
Muhammad, Crystal Gafford; Dixson, Adrienne D.
Journal Name:
The Negro Educational Review
Source:
The Negro Educational Review v. 59 no. 3/4 (Fall/Winter 2008) p. 163-80
Publication Year:
2008
Abstract:
In life as in literature, both the mainstream public and the Black community writ large, overlook the Black female experiences, both adolescent and adult. In order to contribute to the knowledge base regarding this population, we present through our study a statistical portrait of Black females in high school. To do so, we present an analysis of data gathered using the Educational Longitudinal Survey of 2002. Findings suggest that in life as in literature, young Black females approaching womanhood are strong students who work extremely hard in an environment where sex, race, and culture can and do shape experiences and opportunities. Reprinted by permission of the publisher.
Subject(s):
Girls/Education; Black students; Surveys/High schools
Black Females in High School: A Statistical Educational Profile
SOURCE:
The Negro Educational Review 59 no3/4 163-80 Fall/Wint 2008
COPYRIGHT:
The magazine publisher is the copyright holder of this article and it is reproduced with permission. Further reproduction of this article in violation of the copyright is prohibited.
ABSTRACT In life as in literature, both the mainstream public and the Black community writ large, overlook the Black female experiences, both adolescent and adult. In order to contribute to the knowledge base regarding this population, we present through our study a statistical portrait of Black females in high school. To do so, we present an analysis of data gathered using the Educational Longitudinal Survey of 2002. Findings suggest that in life as in literature, young Black females approaching womanhood are strong students who work extremely hard in an environment where sex, race, and culture can and do shape experiences and opportunities.
Introduction Zora Neale Hurston's Their Eyes were Watching God (1937) is credited as the first Black feminist novel. The novelty of this work in the words of literary scholar Neal Lester (1999) is that although "storytelling rituals specifically and public speaking rituals generally are reserved for men--Black and White--Hurston's novel allows the telling of a woman's story--a Black woman's--in her own terms that challenge the illusions of patriarchal order" (p. 80). In the novel, the protagonist's grandmother explains racial and gender hierarchy from her worldview, describing young Black females and women as beasts of burden, "de mule uh de world" (Hurston, 1937, p. 14). Historiographically, this novel is set in the antebellum South. Yet, contemporarily this novel holds credence as the "writer Hurston--the experiencing self--and character Janie--the narrative self--take us on a journey of personal discovery to the place where language, gender, and culture merge to give full voice to the otherwise often-marginalized Black female self" (McKay, 1995, p. 54). The mainstream public and the Black community, in life as in literature often overlook Black female experiences from childhood through adulthood. Overwhelmed by "the Black problem" in education, research on the underperformance of Black students generally, and young Black males specifically, abounds in education and allied fields (e.g., Comeaux & Harrison, 2007; Davis & Jordan, 1994; Ferguson, 2000; Frank, Kehler, Lovell, & Davidson, 2003; Glassman & Roelle, 2007; hooks, 2004; Majors & Billison, 1992; Norman, Ault, Bentz, & Meskimen, 2001; Sewell, 2000; Weaver-Hightower, 2003). Comparatively speaking there is little analysis of the educational performance of young Black females. Except for in comparison to White females and Black males, educational researchers have little research to explain who young Black girls are as students. The best accounts contemporarily are rich, thick descriptive pieces, which in spite of their rigor are of limited generalizability due to their sample size (e.g., Evans-Winters. 2005; Fordham, 1993; Fuller, 1980; Grant, 1984; Grant, Battle, Murphy, & Heggoy, 1999; Henry, 1998, 2001, 2006; Mirza, 1992, 1995, 2006; Morris, 2005, 2007; Ward, 2007). As invaluable as these contributions are to the field, broader statistical analyses are useful in confirming overall trends.
Young Black Females Compared to the research on Black boys, the volume of literature on Black girls is sparse. While speaking of the education of Blacks in Britain. Nicola Rollock's (2007) observations and analysis in Why Black Girls Don't Matter: Exploring How Race and Gender Shape Academic Success in an Inner City School, depict phenomena all too familiar in the United States and elsewhere:
Black pupils tend to consistently perform below their White counterparts and below the national average. Key debates, examining how to address the difference in attainment gap, have tended to focus almost exclusively on the achievements of Black male pupils with little explicit attention paid to the needs and experiences of their female counterparts ... while prevalent discourses on femininity serve to increase Black girls' legitimacy in the context of dominant school discourses on academic success, those on ethnicity serve simultaneously to downgrade their legitimacy, both minimizing their opportunities for high status academic success and rendering them invisible in the debates on Black attainment (p. 197).
Key works exploring the unique educational trajectories and challenges of young Black females include Evans-Winters (2005), Fordham (1993), Fuller (1980), Grant (1984), Henry (1998,2001, 2006), Mirza (1992, 1995), Morris (2005, 2007), and Tracy and Erkut (2007). Here we center our attention on Venus Evans-Winters' (2005) research on the pedagogical and educational needs of working class Black girls and Edward W. Morris' (2007) ethnographic investigation of the manner in which Black girls in a predominantly Black and Brown middle school were perceived by their teachers. Additional works are included in this discussion using Evans-Winters (2005) and Morris (2007) as frames. Teaching Black girls: Resiliency in Urban Classrooms by Venus Evans-Winters (2005) is the first education specific, research-based book to examine the educational experiences of working class and poor Black girls. Evans-Winters' ethnographic study follows the girls from middle school through their junior year in high school and examines the multi-faceted support systems some of them access to navigate their urban schools. This work helps to illuminate the social networking necessary for Black girls' success in school. While the stereotype of the "strong Black female" is relatively positive, it fails to demonstrate, as most stereotypes do, the complexity of community support that students need and must learn to access as they matriculate. Indeed for Black girls, Evans-Winters' research demonstrates that while in her study they were resilient; they did not live in isolation. In this way, her scholarship speaks back to the strong Black female stereotype that can alienate Black girls and young women, as well as deny their vulnerabilities, need for guidance, and search for support. In 'Ladies' or 'Loudies'?: Perceptions and Experiences of Black Girls in Classrooms, Morris (2007) begins his analysis with the academic accomplishments of young Black adolescent females. He found that they were active participants in their educational experiences, outspoken in class, and not shy of competition with the boys academically or physically. Yet they were respectful and compliant with teachers, and generally not disruptive. As compared to their Black male and Latina counterparts, young Black females respectively were two to four times more likely to be enrolled in Advanced Placement classes. Even in the standard curricular track, Morris found them to be serious about their studies. Recalling observations of an "unruly" eighth grade science class, Morris notes:
In the midst of this commotion, a Black girl named Cindy sitting next to me shows me the grade on her test. "I make 100s," she says proudly. As the class continues to act up she says to me, "Look at how they're acting--they act like children. It's stupid. I'm just trying to learn" (2007, p. 500).
The academic prowess of these females in this school, notwithstanding, the preoccupation of teachers with them in their classes was with their decorum. While noting that Black and Latino males bore the brunt of the school's strict disciplinary ethic (see also Morris, 2005), Morris (2007) observed that young Black girls were subjected to a particularly insidious form of behavioral modification, "largely directed at their comportment. This discipline stemmed from perceptions of them as challenging to authority, loud, and not ladylike" (p. 501). Thus, many teachers attempted to "feminize" these girls, instilling in them a docile disposition. In contrast to assessments by most teachers, Morris
did observe Black girls to be assertive and outspoken in classrooms, but I did not observe this behavior to be consistently obnoxious or disruptive. Instead, it demonstrated that many [Black] AfricanAmerican girls simply showed an interest and excitement in learning, and were engaged in the class. Ironically, many educators at Matthews viewed as problematic the same set of behaviors that led Black girls to pursue their learning in a concerted and self-reliant way (p. 509).
Morris also found the effects of attempts to feminize these girls as perverse; "in their genuine attempts to help these girls by teaching them proper ladylike manners, educators often unintentionally stifled the outspokenness and assertiveness that forged academic success for many [Black] AfricanAmerican girls" (p. 509). With respect to the academic successes of young Black females, Beattie (2002), Honora (2002), and Hamilton (1996) found that they are academically focused, and less subject to negative peer influences as compared to young Black men. In fact, Taylor and Graham (2007) found that Black girls in grades two, four, and seven, were more likely to be perceived as admired and respected among their peers. Mirza (1995) documents a positive outlook towards education carried by Black girls and women. Others found that while community support influences greater achievement among them (Plybon, Edwards, Butler, Belgrave, & Allison, 2003; cf. Rollock, 2007), they are generally resilient in their academics and to factors such as being raised by a single parent (Battle & Coates, 2004). At the macro level, young Black females are not any more or less academically gifted than their male counterparts as indicated by their performance on scholastic exams (Constantine, 1999; Constantine & Perna, 2000; Nettles & Perna, 1997). Overall high school graduation completion rates for young Black men and women are comparable (NCES, 2002). In the classroom they perform at levels comparable to their Black male and White female counterparts (Grant, 1984; Hanson & Palmer-Johnson, 2000). In fact, Grant et al. (1999) found that Black females work especially hard to overcome perceptions of incompetence. Fordham (1993) found their "loudness" as a tenacious expression stemming out of a deep desire to be noticed and valued (see also Henry, 1998). Sanders and Bradley's (2005) essay concurs as cries for help from these girls often go unaddressed, while Grant (1984) notes that rather than encouraged, their voices are stifled in order to fit in an appropriate socio-cultural box. Grant also identifies the self-reliance of these girls at an early age, a socially mature independence which several of the teachers in her study saw as negative precociousness. In many respects, teachers' perceptions of Black girls' independence and self-reliance as negative is somewhat similar to the negative perceptions of Black males. That is, many teachers, "adultify" (Ferguson, 2000) Black students in that they oversubscribe and interpret these students' confidence, assertiveness, and academic eagerness as inappropriate or "overly mature" behaviors that "normal" children should and do not display. As a result, these students are either overly monitored, as in the case of Black males, or routinely ignored, as in the case of Black females (Rollock, 2007). Thus, we suggest that failure to consider race, class, and gender dynamics overlooks the complexity of the experiences of young Black females. In the context of high school, we wonder about the extent to which teachers' perceptions of Black girls as "ghetto" or "loud" (Fordham, 1993; Lei, 2003) have more to do with their lack of understanding about the students with respect to variances along class, geographic or even religious lines?(FN2)
Theoretical Framework The theoretical framework under girding the present study is Critical Race Feminism (CRF); it is a blend of critical race theory from the field of law and non-essentialist feminist traditions in the humanities and social sciences. In recognizing that all Blacks are not men and all women are not White (Scott, Bell, Smith, & Hull, 1982), CRF gives voice to the unique experiences of non-White girls and women by examining the ways in which the intersection of race, gender, class and other social identities, form a "multiply jeopardy" that subjects Black girls and women, and indeed non-White girls and women writ large, to discrimination that is often quite different from White girls and women and non-White boys and men.(FN3) CRF recognizes the indivisible oneness of racialized gender experiences and feminized racial experiences of non-White females. According to critical race feminist legal scholar Adrien Wing (2003).
We, as Black women, can no longer afford to think of ourselves or let the law think of us as merely the sum of separate parts that can be added together or subtracted from, until a White male or female stands before you. The actuality of our layered experience is multiplicative [emphasis in original]. Multiply each of my parts together, 1 × 1 × 1 × 1 × 1, and you have one indivisible being. If you divide one of these parts from one you still have one [emphasis in original] (p. 31).
Wing's analysis of Black women's multiplicative experiences is in the tradition of other Black feminist scholarship in the social sciences and literary theory (Collins, 2000; Guy-Sheftall, 1995; hooks, 1999; King, 1988). These works sought to expand and bring to bear not only social science analyses of Black women's experiences but also drew on ways in which Black women write about, imagine, and make sense of their lives through prose, essays, poetry, and fiction. Hurston's work, while not the first text to speak back to negative constructions of the Black woman, is certainly instrumental in influencing a generation of Black women writers. Novelists Toni Morrison, Maya Angelou, Alice Walker, Paule Marshall, Gloria Naylor as well as a host of "new" Black women writers who seek to reflect the complexity of not only the Black female's experience, but also what is commonly described as "The Black Experience." By bringing to light the complexities of being both Black and female, these writers have provided a collective framework to understand and make sense of the ways in which Black women both experience and are shaped by the nexus of race, class, and gender. Hence, we draw on these different, but complementary literatures to argue that Black girls have schooling experiences that require "multiple angles of vision" (Collins, 2000) that fit outside of gender-only or race-only analyses of schooling. The present study focuses exclusively on the educational profiles of Black females in high school.
Method
Data Source With few exceptions, studies on young Black female students tend to be single site and/or of small sample sizes. To ensure a large sample size we used data from the Educational Longitudinal Survey of 2002 (ELS: 02/04). The ELS: 02/04 is a successor to the National Educational Longitudinal Survey of 1988, the most comprehensive longitudinal dataset focused on education (Adelman, 2006). The most recent published follow up of the ELS: 02/04 was conducted in 2004.
Sample The ELS: 02/04 database contains a nationally representative sample of 21,757 American (U.S.) tenth-graders in 2002, the base year of study. The total number of Black students in the ELS is 2,074; 946 of whom are Black females. In order to have cleaner results, with fewer than 5% unanswered/unanswerable responses per question, we filtered out all students not answering the question about their post-secondary education plans as of the first follow up in 2004. While this cut may bias results upwards, with more students who have considered post-secondary education than those in high schools more generally, the sample of Black females remains relatively large at 838. The exception here is on measures of college predisposition (types of college in which one intends to enroll and the number of colleges to which one has applied). Missing values, legitimate or not, are generally small and are ignored in the analysis except for in regards to this section. It is posited that the greater proportion of missing responses are likely systematic, with students not actively engaged in the college choice process less likely to answer the survey completely in this section. The lack of response is likely to yield an upward bias on postsecondary education plans. As young Black females (the foci of this study) were more likely than their counterparts to answer these questions fully, the magnitude of bias in their responses is likely to be less. In the following tables, missing responses are designated by the abbreviation N.R.
Variables The variables evaluated were selected in order to give an overview or statistical portrait of students academic experiences in high school in relation to their preparation for college. Here the variables are described in relation to sets. Components of these sets are detailed in the tables presented in the results section. Student Assessment of the Academic Environment: These set of factors are focused on student perceptions of the overall school climate as well as perceptions of justice and fairness. They include student perceptions of school spirit, students getting along with teachers, quality of teaching, teacher interest in and praise of students, students feeling put down by teachers, and student perceptions of the fairness of rules both in the content of the rule and the distribution of punishment. Factors are measured on a four point Likert-type scale ranging from strongly disagree to strongly agree. Results are presented in Table 1. Student Achievement: The second set of variables were measures of student educational attainment and achievement, including program of study, grade level, drop out status, and standardized examination scores. Options for program of study are college preparatory, general education, and vocational education. Grade level options were grades ten, eleven, or twelve. Drop out status was dummy coded. 0 = No, 1 = Yes. Achievement is measured by standardized composite math and verbal examination scores. Results are found in Tables 2 and 3 as well as in Figure 1. Academic Recognition and Opportunities: This set of factors included measures of awards bestowed upon students as well as opportunities students took to engage in academic and civic endeavors beyond the classroom. These are measured dichotomously, 1 = yes, 0 = no. Students were asked whether they had received an award for academics, were recognized for good grades or perfect attendance, and whether they participated in a math or science fair, career academy or advanced placement (AP) class. Results are presented in Table 4. Future Orientation: This fourth set of factors describes student future orientation in relation to their future careers. They were asked the importance of being successful in their line of work, helping others in the community, working to overcome inequities, being an expert in her field, and getting a good education. Responses were measured on a three point Likert-type scale of not important, somewhat important, and very important. Results are presented in Table 5. College Plans: The final set of factors measure student plans to enroll at a two or four year postsecondary institution and a concrete step towards college enrollment, as well as filling out a college application. The first factor, type of school student plans to attend is measured by four-year college or university, two-year community college, and vocational, trade, or technical school. The second factor is measured by the number of schools to which the student has applied: one school, two to four schools, or five or more schools. Results are presented in Table 6.
Procedures Descriptive statistics were used to characterize the academic progression and achievement for our sample of Black female students as well as student assessment of the school environment and student disposition towards higher education. Each variable is self reported and measured in the base year (grade ten), unless otherwise noted. Independent t-tests, and chi-square analysis as appropriate, are used to allow for a comparative analysis of these female students versus all other students in the ELS sample. This comparison of these students to the rest of the ELS sample provides a context in relation to all students, while avoiding the false dichotomous comparison between this population's race and gender identities.
Results
Student Assessment of the Academic Environment On average, young Black females do believe there is real school spirit in their high schools (M = 2.74, S.D. = 0.76). However, their margin of enthusiasm for their academic environments is less than that of their peers (M = 2.85, S.D. = 0.81). When asked about school spirit, 65.3% of them, as compared to 72.2% of their peers, agreed or strongly agreed that school spirit was real. This difference is statistically significant (t = -2.93, df = 12,824, p [less or equal] 0.003). Furthermore, they are more vigorous in their assessment of school spirit as not being real. Over 34% of them, compared to 27.8% of all others disagreed with the statement that school spirit is real (see Table 1). Table 1 Student Assessment of the Academic Environment
Frequencies and Percentages* M
SA A D SD N.R. (SD)
There is Real School Spirit**
Black Females 128 419 229 57 5 2.74
(15.3) (50) (27.3) (6.8) (0.6) (0.76)
All Others 2153 6412 2786 548 89 2.85
(19) (54) (23) (4.6) (0.7) (0.81)
Students Get Along Well
With Teachers**
Black Females 41 442 308 47 0 2.57
(4.9) (52.7) (36.8) (5.6) (0) (0.93)
All Others 817 8626 2273 272 0 2.83
(6.8) (72) (19) (2.3) (0) (1.2)
The Teaching is Good
Black Females 129 524 140 27 18 2.92
(15.4) (62.5) (16.7) (3.2) (2.1) (0.98)
All Others 1819 8058 1618 337 156 2.96
(15) (67) (14) (2.8) (1.3) (1.05)
Teachers are Interested
in Students
Black Females 100 487 187 41 23 2.79
(11.9) (58.1) (22.3) (4.9) (2.7) (0.94)
All Others 1853 7296 2251 354 234 2.91
(16) (61) (19) (3) (2.0) (0.95)
Teachers Praise Student Effort
Black Females 140 411 234 42 11 2.78
(16.7) (49) (27.9) (5) (1.3) (0.74)
All Others 1805 6008 3594 447 134 2.77
(15) (50) (30) (3.7) (1.1) (0.76)
In Class Often Feels Put
Down by Teachers
Black Females 19 85 438 287 9 1.8
(2.3) (10.8) (52.3) (34.2) (1.1) (0.81)
All Others 277 1179 6981 3456 99 1.86
(2.3) (9.8) (58) (29) (0.8) (0.9)
School Rules are Fair
Black Females 57 289 289 133 13 2.33
(6.8) (34.5) (41.3) (15.9) (1.6) (0.64)
All Others 809 5923 3926 1145 185 2.54
(6.7) (49) (33) (9.6) (1.5) (0.85)
Punishment the Same No
Matter Who you Are**
Black Females 168 319 239 101 11 2.67
(20) (38.1) (28.5) (12.1) (1.3) (0.56)
All Others 1987 5456 3075 1327 143 2.68
(17) (46) (26) (11) (1.2) (0.68)
*Combined percentages do not necessarily total 100% due to rounding error.
**Difference between Black females and All Others is statistically significant at p [less or equal] 0.001.
In addition, while 57.6% of these females agreed or strongly agreed that students and teachers get along (M = 2.57, S.D. = 0.93), they are more than 20% less likely to think that way as compared to their peers (M = 2.83, S.D. = 1.2); this difference is also statistically significant (t = -12.87, df = 12,824, p [less or equal] 0.0001). While not statistically significant, they are 4.5% less likely to agree or strongly agree that the teaching in their school is good (M[subBlack females] = 2.92, S.D.[subBlack females] = 0.98; M[subOthers] = 2.96, S.D.[subOthers] = 1.05) and 6.4% less likely to agree or strongly agree that teachers are interested in students (M[subBlack females] = 2.79, S.D.[subBlack females] = 0.94; M[subOthers] = 2.91, S.D.[subOthers] = 0.95). Additionally, they are equally as likely to agree or strongly agree that teachers praise student efforts (M[subBlack females] = 2.78, S.D.[subBlack females] = 0.74, M[subOthers] = 2.77, S.D.[subOthers] = 0.76, t = 0.64, df = 12,824, p [greater or equal] 0.05). Student perceptions of teachers putting down students in class are also near parity, and not statistically significant (M[subBlack females] = 1.8, S.D.[subBlack females] = 0.81; M[subOthers] = 1.86, S.D.[subOthers] = 0.9, t = -0.53, df = 12,824, p [greater or equal] 0.05). There are statistically significant differences between these females and their peers in their perceptions of justice in the scholastic environment. Over 57% of them disagreed or strongly disagreed with the statement that school rules are fair (M = 2.33, S.D. = 0.64) as compared to 56.1% of all others who perceive the inverse (M = 2.54, S.D. = 0.85) and who agreed or strongly agreed that school rules are fair (t = -3.73, df = 12,824, p [less or equal] 0.0001). The perception of the application of rules, however, is more even with 51.8% of them and 62.1% of their peers agreeing or strongly agreeing that school punishments are the same regardless of who the student is (M[subBlack females] = 2.67, S.D.[subBlack females] = 0.56; M[subOthers] = 2.68, S.D.[subOthers] = 0.68). This difference is not statistically significant (t = -0.4, df = 12,824, p [greater or equal] 0.05). These findings are seemingly contradictory and warrant further exploration of the perceptions of the fairness of rule construction and rule application. Such an analysis is beyond the scope of the present article.
Academic Performance and Engagement As measured by the 2004 follow up, during the twelfth grade year for most students in this sample, differences in the high school completion trajectories between them and the rest of the ELS are small; results are reported in Table 2. Differences in grade progression from tenth to twelfth grade are small (2.1%) and are not statistically significant (t = 1.78, df = 12,824, p [greater or equal] 0.05). Ninety-two percent of them proceed to grade twelve on time as compared to 94.1% of their counterparts. Approximately 98% of all students report never dropping out. Differences in drop out status are less than half-a-percent and are not statistically significant (t = -1.17, df = 12,824, p [greater or equal] 0.2). There are, however, statistically significant differences in the educational tracks of these students as compared to the rest of the population (t = -3.5, df = 12,824, p [less or equal] 0.001). They are 1.3% and 3.2% less likely to report being enrolled in college preparatory and general tracks, respectively. Just over 30% of them enroll in general education programs of study as compared to 33.6% of their peers. The bulk of students report enrollment in college preparatory tracks; 56.1% were Black females and 57.4% were all other students. By contrast 13.5% of Black females compared to 9% of their peers enroll in a vocational track. Under an assumption of equal representation among general, college preparatory, and vocational tracks; these females are underrepresented in general education and college preparatory and overrepresented in vocational tracks (chi[sup2][subHS Program] = 231.31 df = 2, p [less or equal] 0.0001). Under the same assumption, their peers are overrepresented in general and college preparatory tracks and underrepresented in vocational tracks (chi[sup2][subHS Program] = 4210.93 df = 2, p [less or equal] 0.0001). Yet, if high schools construct tracks where enrollment patterns show fewer students in vocational education, the bulk of the population in general education, and a sizeable number of students not exceeding the number of students in general education and in college preparatory tracks, then it appears that these Black females are overrepresented in vocational tracks and underrepresented in general education tracks. Table 2 Frequencies Program of Study, Grade Level, and Dropout
Black Females All Others
N = 838 % * N = 11,988 % *
Program of Study
General 255 30.4 4023 33.6
College Prep 470 56.1 6883 57.4
Vocational 113 13.5 1082 9.0
Grade Level in 2004**
Missing 46 5.3 504 4.2
Tenth 1 0.1 17 0.1
Eleventh 15 1.8 120 1.0
Twelfth 771 92.0 11280 94.1
Ungraded Program 8 0.84 67 0.6
Ever Dropped Out
No 817 97.5 11,739 97.9
* Combined percentages do not necessarily total 100% due to rounding error.
** Difference is statistically significant at p [less or equal] 0.001.
The concern here is whether this tracking is by student design, a concerted effort on the part of these students to get ahead in the work force through cosmetology, clerical, and similar vocational programs or whether these women, who are most likely "average" students, are being pushed out of the general curricular track on to tracks where more success for people "like them" is perceived. In either event, it seems to be the case that more information on college access and preparation needs to be disseminated in order to bolster comparable equity in curricular tracks. In this study, academic achievement was measured in grade ten using standardized composite math and reading scores. With standardization, mean scores are centered at 50. On average, the scores of Black females are less than other students by approximately seven points (M[subBlack females] = 45.01, S.D. = 8.39; M[subAll Others] = 51.94, S.D. = 9.78). This difference is strong and statistically significant (t = 20.01, df = 12,824, p [less or equal] 0.0001). An examination of data by quartile revealed 51.7%; an average score for these females within the second and third quartiles. However, nearly three-quarters of them scored below the mean (see Table 3). This by quartile distribution is depicted in Figure 1. Also, whereas the distribution of exam scores increases by quartile for all other students, the relationship appears to be the inverse for these Black females. They are woefully underrepresented in the upper two quartiles. The ratio of them faring in the highest quartile is greater than four to one. In sum, the examination scores of these females seem to cluster around the mean standardized composite exam score, suggesting that on average they are average students. However, given the large weight to student performance at the bottom of the distribution, and the dearth of students at the top of the distribution, there is a concern regarding achievement gaps by the intersection of race and gender. As these females do seem to be strong average students, the researchers found no statistically significant differences across several positive aspects of schooling (see Table 4). Specifically, 36.8% of them are equally likely to win an academic honor (M[subBlack females] = 1.37, S.D. = 0.08; M[subAll Others] = 1.37, S.D. = 0.08, t = 0.2, df = 12,824, p [greater or equal] 0.05). They are slightly more likely to be recognized for good attendance, a difference of 8% (M[subBlack females] = 1.3, S.D. = 0.08; M[subAll Others] = 1.21, S.D. = 0.29), and community service efforts, a difference of about 4% (M[subBlack females] = 1.12, S.D. = 0.56; M[subAll Others] = 1.07, S.D. = 0.7), but these differences are not statistically significant (t[subAttendance] = -1.67, df = 12,824, p [greater or equal] 0.05; t[subCommunity Service] = -0.06, df = 12,824, p [greater or equal] 0.05). They are 3% less likely to be recognized for good grades (M[subBlack females] = 1.49, S.D. = 0.32; M[subAll Others] = 1.52, S.D. = 0.37, t = 1.1, df = 12,824, p [greater or equal] 0.05). This difference is not statistically significant. Table 3 Composite Standardized Exam Scores by Quartile
Frequencies and Percentages*
M
Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 (SD)
Black Females 346 255 161 59 1.92
(41.3) (32.5) (19.2) (7) (0.3)
All Others 2245 2747 3285 3711 2.71
(18.7) (22.9) (27.4) (31) (0.89)
* Combined percentages do not necessarily total 100% due to rounding error.
These students are slightly more likely to report participation in math/science fairs (1.2%), a small difference that is not statistically significant (M[subBlack females] = 1.15, S.D. = 0.47; M[subAll Others] = 1.14, S.D. = 0.5, t = 0.14, df = 12,824, p [greater or equal] 0.05). They are also nearly twice as likely to participate in career academies (M[subBlack females] = 1.14, S.D. = 0.5; M[subAll Others] = 1.07, S.D. = 0.72). However, this difference does not register as statistically significant (t = 0.86, df = 12,824, p [greater or equal] 0.05). The one statistically significant difference registered was in the taking of Advance Placement (AP) courses (t = 3.28, df = 12,824, p [less or equal] 0.03). They are 2.7% less likely to enroll in these courses (M[subBlack females] = 1.67, S.D. = 0.43; M[subAll Others] = 1.91, S.D. = 0.36). When considering the availability of AP courses in low SES neighborhoods, the enrollment of Black females in these numbers is remarkable. Table 4 Academic Recognition and Opportunities
Frequencies and Percentages*
M
No Yes N.R (SD)
Won an Academic Honor
Black Females 522 308 8 1.37
(62.3) (36.8) (0.8) (0.08)
All Others 7457 4420 111 1.37
(62.2) (36.9) (0.9) (0.08)
Recognized for Good
Attendance
Black Females 581 247 10 1.3
(69.3) (29.5) (1.2) (0.08)
All Others 9329 2552 107 1.21
(77.8) (21.3) (0.9) (0.29)
Recognized for Good Grades
Black Females 421 410 7 1.49
(50.2) (48.9) (0.8) (0.32)
All Others 5683 6214 91 1.52
(47.4) (51.8) (0.8) (0.37)
Received Community
Service Award
Black Females 724 102 12 1.12
(86.4) (12.2) (1.4) (0.56)
All Others 10929 946 113 1.07
(91.2) (7.9) (0.9) (0.7)
Participated in Math/
Science Fair
Black Females 703 127 8 1.15
(83.9) (15.2) (1.0) (0.47)
All Others 10210 1683 95 1.14
(85.2) (14.0) (0.8) (0.5)
Black Females 680 136 22 1.67
(81.1) (16.2) (2.6) (0.43)
All Others 9559 2262 157 1.91
(79.7) (18.9) (1.4) (0.36)
Ever in a Career Academy
Black Females 694 116 28 1.14
(82.8) (13.8) (3.3) (0.5)
All Others 10861 872 255 1.07
(90.6) (7.3) (2.1) (0.72)
* Combined percentages do not necessarily total 100% due to rounding error.
** Difference is statistically significant at p [less or equal] 0.001.
Future Orientation The females in this study seem more likely than their peers to attach importance to their future work and present course of study. Each of the following factors espouses higher order valuations (see table 5). It is expected that there is an inflationary effect and that students are likely to report a higher aspirational value than what a student actually believes and/or is willing to work toward. For example, what student is likely to admit finding no importance in being successful in his/her line of work? For this reason, comparisons are not made at the average, but at the highest valuation, as this is where the largest differences are likely to lie. With regard to their careers, these students are 5% more likely to find it very important to be successful in their work (M[subBlack females] = 2.93, S.D. = 1.33; M[subAll Others] = 2.86, S.D. = 1.27, t = 1.02, df = 12,824, p [greater or equal] 0.05) and 7.8% more likely to find it very important to be an expert in their field of work (M[subBlack females] = 2.77, S.D. = 1.13; M[subAll Others] = 2.67, S.D. = 1.0, t = 0.84, df = 12,824, p [greater or equal] 0.05). Beyond immediate self interests, these females are 9.7% more likely to find it very important to work to rectify inequalities (M[subAll Others] = 2.11, S.D. = 0.68; M[subAll Others] = 1.89, S.D. = 0.74, t = 0.89, df = 12,824, p [greater or equal] 0.05) and 8.4% more likely to find it very important to give children better opportunities (M[subBlack females] = 2.86, S.D. = 1.27; M[subAll Others] = 2.75, S.D. = 1.12, t = 0.89, df = 12,824, p [greater or equal] 0.05). While on average they find less importance in helping others in the community (M[subBlack females] = 2.72, S.D. = 1.5; M[subAll Others] = 2.86, S.D. = 1.24, t = 0.65, df = 12,824, p [greater or equal] 0.05), 9.5% of them are more likely to find helping others in the community very important. None of these differences were found to be statistically significant; however, some of these findings may be useful in understanding Black women's resilience, especially with regard to college predisposition. Table 5 Future Orientation
Frequencies and Percentages*
M
Not Somewhat Very N.R. (SD)
Importance of Being
Successful in Line of Work
Black Females 8 41 750 39 2.93
(1.0) (4.9) (89.5) (4.7) (1.33)
All Others 118 1350 10105 415 2.86
(1.0) (11.3) (84.3) (3.5) (1.24)
Importance of Helping Other
in the Community
Black Females 47 34 379 378 2.72
(5.6) (4.1) (45.2) (45.1) (1.5)
All Others 470 834 6553 4131 2.86
(3.9) (7.0) (54.7) (34.5) (1.24)
Importance of Giving Children
Better Opportunities
Black Females 19 70 702 47 2.86
(2.3) (8.4) (83.8) (5.6) (1.27)
All Others 369 2093 9036 490 2.75
(3.1) (17.5) (75.4) (4.1) (1.12)
Importance of Working to
Correct Inequalities
Black Females 136 430 225 47 2.11
(16.2) (51.3) (26.8) (5.6) (0.68)
All Others 3277 6168 2047 496 1.89
(27.3) (51.5) (17.1) (4.1) (0.74)
Importance of Being an
Expert in Field of Work
Black Females 19 143 632 44 2.77
(2.3) (17.1) (75.4) (5.3) (1.13)
All Others 401 2997 8101 489 2.67
(3.3) (25.0) (67.6) (4.1) (1.00)
Importance of Getting a
Good Education
Black Females 2 34 758 44 2.95
(0.2) (4.1) (90.5) (5.3) (1.35)
All Others 120 1768 9617 483 2.82
(1.0) (14.7) (80.2) (4.0) (1.18)
* Combined percentages do not necessarily total 100% due to rounding error.
By the first NELS: 88/00 follow up, the senior year of most survey respondents, we found that they are more likely than their peers to report having plans to attend four-year colleges and universities upon high school completion, 64.7% as compared to 63.5%. This difference is small and does not register as statistically significant (t = -1.4, df = 12,824, p [greater or equal] 0.05; see Table 6). Even though in high school they comparatively invest heavier in vocational tracks, 5.8% of them reported plans to attend a vocational, technical, or trade school as compared to 6.9% of their peers. Also, these females were slightly more likely to report plans to attend a community college (22.1% compared to 20.1%). Table 6 College Plans
Black Females All Others
N = 838 % N = 11,988 %
Type of School Plans
to Attend
Missing 62 7.4 1142 9.5
Four-year college or university 542 64.7 7617 63.5
Two-year community college 185 22.1 2406 20.1
Vocational, technical, or trade 49 5.8 823 6.9
Number of Schools Applied To **
Missing 62 7.4 1100 9.2
None 171 20.4 2578 21.5
One School 118 14.1 2383 19.9
Two to Four Schools 346 41.3 4229 35.3
Five or More 141 16.8 1697 14.2
* Combined percentages do not necessarily total 100% due to rounding error.
** Difference is statistically significant at p [less or equal], 0.001.
As Adelman (2006) reports that there is a significant difference between student college aspirations and enrollment (which is especially pronounced for Black students), we analyzed a second, more concrete measure of college aspiration--applying to college. It is a significant step during the college choice process and while application does not assure eventual enrollment, it does crystallize the seriousness of a student's aspirations (Hossler & Gallagher, 1987; Freeman, 2005). Here, these students show a greater propensity to engage in the college application process. They report a difference of 5% likelihood to apply to at least one school, 6% more likely to apply to two to four schools, and are 2.6% more likely to apply to more than five schools. This difference is statistically significant (t = -2.66, df = 12,824, p [less or equal] 0.01).
Discussion and Conclusion This discussion of findings is conducted using a critical race feminist frame. We honor the indivisible oneness of racialized gender experiences and feminized racial experiences of these Black high school females and combine the factors observed in this study to create a statistical depiction of the average Black female in high school. Academically she ranks in the middle of the pack, although her performance is centered around a lower mean test score. Note that these scores were not adjusted to control for socioeconomic status and that the average socioeconomic quartile in which she is classified, is the second which largely represents the working class, including the working poor. On most measures, her academic prowess is not because of a particularly beneficial environment, but in spite of constraints. She is just as likely as her peers to receive academic honors, recognition for good attendance and service to the community. She is more likely to engage at school beyond the curriculum, and participate in math and science fairs. She is not afraid of a challenging curriculum, and is most likely to be enrolled in a college preparatory track. While slightly less likely to take AP course work, it is unclear whether this is a function of ability or availability. She is focused on her future. She is twice as likely as other students to be enrolled in career academies as well as vocational tracks. She finds it very important to become successful in her field of work, even to the point of becoming an expert. In her quest to do better for herself, she is also concerned about others, finding it very important to help in the community and work to reduce inequalities. She works to create a better place for her children. She is more likely than her peers to ferret out hypocrisy in the scholastic environment. She "outs" school spirit that is not genuine and is more likely to "call out" bad vibes between teachers and students, although overall, on average, school relations are positive. She finds that teachers are generally interested in student welfare and praise her efforts. She does not think her teachers "put her down" and feels that rules are applied fairly, but that the rules themselves are unfair. She prepares for post-secondary education. She not only expresses a stronger aspiration to enroll in college (whether two-year, four-year, or a vocational-technical school), she executes on her aspirations and applies to about two to four different institutions. These findings confirm the work of Morris (2007) in noting that the aggregate are active participants in their educational experiences and overall rate their experiences with teachers as positive. Just as Morris (2007) found young female students to be more likely enrolled in AP classes than their male and Latina counterparts, we find that without controls for availability young Black females in the aggregate are only slightly less likely to be enrolled in those courses. The present study also reiterates Evans-Winters' (2005) espousal of greater support of this group. Yes, Black females are strong, but that strength does not suppose away the need for nurturance. We find that the Black female's place in high school is a bit precarious in that she sees unfairness in school rules, more likely to find falseness in displays of school spirit, and more likely to find teachers and students not getting along. While this study does not examine the "ladies or loudies" question, combined, this set of factors may indicate conditions of adultification and the loss of childhood innocence of this group. As Hurston (1937) writes of the coming of age of her protagonist: "The familiar people and things had failed her so she hung over the gate and looked up the road towards way off ... Janie's first dream was dead, so she became a woman" (p. 26). Rather than channeling the perceptions of the limits to what young Black women can do and speeding up their womanhood, perhaps our focus as educators should be slowing down their childhoods and fostering their dreams. Their aspirations are high, but do we feed or starve them? Given the history of Africans in the Americas, Hurston's allegorical depiction of Black women in the United States as mules (an offspring of a horse and a donkey bred solely for the purpose of work) is historically accurate and she brings this history to life through her character Janie Crawford in Their Eyes Were Watching God. Contemporarily, Black girls and young women work hard in school. Their reasons for working hard are various and include personal edification, future work goals, college aspirations, and community uplift. Given their comparative gains in college enrollment in the United States, vis-a-vis their Black male counterparts (Cross & Slater, 2000), they have toted the race as in the aggregate. Black gains in educational attainment made relative to Whites and other groups are largely attributable to the college enrollments of young Black women. Despite the strength they demonstrate, young Black women need continued support for their high aspirations and dreams. For Black females educational successes are made in spite of their circumstances rather than because of them. In particular, as well as they do perform they are behind their peers in test performance. Janie's grandmother prayed "fuh it tuh be different wid you" and perhaps one day it will be (Hurston, 1937, p. 14). Until then, we as educators need to be their dream keepers, "Lawd, Lawd, Lawd" (Hurston, 1937, p. 14).
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FOOTNOTES 1 Address correspondence to Crystal Gafford Muhammad, Assistant Professor, East Carolina University. 212 Ragsdale Building, Greenville, NC 27858 or [email protected]. 2 Another important line of inquiry with respect to the educational aspirations and experiences of Black females is to examine more closely the impact of social class and social geography. That is, some researchers are beginning to look at the suburbanization of the Black middle class (Adelman, 2004; Feagin & Sikes, 1994; Lacy, 2002, 2004; Patillo-McCoy, 1999). We would argue that Black middle class girls face a different set of challenges due in part to the racial isolation they may experience from being educated in predominantly White suburban areas (Lewis, 2003). 3 As used in this manuscript, the term non-White is a broad classification of persons who self identify racially and/or ethnically as other than White. It is inclusive of, but not limited to, persons denoted by the term Black, which specifically relates to persons who self identify as Black. Figure 1--Composite Standardized Exam Scores by Quartile
